Who will rise to save Punjab? The search for a brave son of the soil……by Darbara Singh Kahlon

Punjab, once celebrated for its prosperity, courage and rich cultural heritage, appears to be struggling on multiple fronts. The state that produced generations of hardworking farmers, entrepreneurs, soldiers and reformers is today grappling with unemployment, drug abuse, gangsterism, mounting debt and political uncertainty.

The contrast becomes particularly painful when Punjabis travel to the United States and Canada. From major cities to remote rural communities, they see industrial clusters, thriving businesses, modern transport networks, advanced agricultural infrastructure and efficient systems for processing and marketing farm produce. These experiences inevitably raise a troubling question: why has Punjab, with its rich agricultural resources, entrepreneurial spirit and industrious people, failed to translate its strengths into comparable economic prosperity?

The state has a remarkable history. Its people resisted invasions, built powerful institutions and established a reputation for courage and enterprise. During the reign of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Punjab emerged as a significant political and economic power in the subcontinent.

Yet, according to political commentator Darbara Singh Kahloon, successive political developments, the legacy of colonial rule, the Partition of 1947 and decades of policy failures have weakened Punjab’s economic and political position.

His central question is simple but urgent: who will take responsibility for restoring Punjab’s confidence, economic strength and rightful place in the country?

The Economic Potential Punjab Has Yet to Realise

Punjab’s economic difficulties cannot be understood without examining the opportunities the state has missed.

Kahloon argues that the lack of adequate industrial incentives, limited diversification beyond agriculture and insufficient investment in manufacturing have restricted Punjab’s growth. He particularly criticises the failure of successive governments to secure a special industrial package for the state.

In January 2003, the Union government announced industrial incentives for several states and regions, including Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Kahloon argues that the Congress government led by Captain Amarinder Singh failed to secure comparable benefits for Punjab, despite its sensitive international border and development challenges.

He believes this failure had consequences for industrial investment, employment generation and the ability of young Punjabis to find opportunities within their home state.

The experience of neighbouring Haryana, particularly the growth of Gurugram as a major corporate and commercial centre, provides a striking comparison. While Gurugram attracted large investments in information technology, services, manufacturing and real estate, Punjab struggled to build an equally powerful industrial hub.

The result, in Kahloon’s assessment, has been a widening gap between Punjab’s potential and its economic performance.

He invokes the words of poet Muzaffar Razmi to describe what he sees as the long-term consequences of political failures:

“Yeh jabr bhi dekha hai tareekh ki nazron ne,
Lamhon ne khata ki thi, sadiyon ne saza payi.”

History, in this reading, continues to impose a price on decisions made by previous generations of political leaders.

Chandigarh, Border Trade and Industrial Investment

Kahloon identifies three areas in which he believes Punjab could unlock substantial economic opportunities: Chandigarh, cross-border trade and large-scale industrial investment.

The question of Chandigarh remains one of Punjab’s long-standing political concerns. The city serves as the joint capital of Punjab and Haryana, and its status continues to be contested in the broader debate over the reorganisation of Punjab and the distribution of assets and territories.

Kahloon argues that transferring Chandigarh to Punjab would strengthen the state’s economic position. He estimates that the move could increase Punjab’s annual income by 20 to 25 per cent. This is his projection, however, and would require independent economic analysis to establish its basis and feasibility.

He also advocates opening and expanding trade through Punjab’s border crossings with Pakistan, particularly at Attari-Wagah and Hussainiwala, alongside the potential for greater cross-border movement through the Kartarpur corridor.

In his assessment, expanded trade could create opportunities in transport, warehousing, agricultural exports, logistics and other businesses. He estimates that opening these routes could increase Punjab’s annual income by 35 per cent, a claim that would require detailed assessment of trade restrictions, security considerations, infrastructure and market demand.

Industrial investment is another part of his proposed economic revival. Kahloon argues that Punjab needs large manufacturing projects capable of generating employment and encouraging the growth of supporting industries.

He points to major industrial groups as examples of the scale of investment he believes Punjab should seek. However, attracting such investment would require competitive industrial land, reliable power, efficient logistics, predictable regulation, skilled workers and a stable policy environment.

Punjab cannot depend on agriculture alone. A broader economic strategy must combine modern farming, food processing, manufacturing, technology, services and export-oriented industries.

Freebies Cannot Replace Economic Reform

Kahloon is particularly critical of what he describes as the growing dependence of political parties on free schemes and electoral promises.

Punjab has endured prolonged periods of violence, militancy and economic uncertainty. Yet, he argues, successive governments have failed to develop a sufficiently consistent strategy to rebuild the state’s industrial base, strengthen education, improve technical training and create sustainable employment.

His criticism extends to governments led by the Shiromani Akali Dal, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress. He holds successive administrations responsible for allowing powerful interests to develop around land, sand mining, liquor, drugs and alleged extortion networks.

He also argues that the state’s traditional kirat culture—the Sikh principle of earning an honest living through hard work—has been undermined by corruption, criminal networks and a political system too focused on retaining power.

The debate over welfare schemes, however, needs a distinction. Financial assistance, subsidised services and social protection can provide essential relief to vulnerable households. The larger question is whether such programmes are accompanied by policies that generate productive employment, improve public services and strengthen the state’s long-term finances.

Punjab needs a development model in which social welfare and economic growth reinforce each other rather than become competing political promises.

The state’s young people require more than temporary relief. They need jobs, quality education, vocational training, access to modern industries and the confidence that they can build a future in Punjab without having to migrate abroad.

The Centre-State Question

Punjab’s relationship with the Union government remains another major part of Kahloon’s argument.

He contends that the state has long-standing grievances concerning Chandigarh, Punjabi-speaking areas, river waters and the management of water-related infrastructure. He also criticises the expansion of the Border Security Force’s jurisdiction in border areas, arguing that greater central involvement has not been matched by sufficient development investment.

The international border presents both security challenges and economic disadvantages. Border communities need stronger infrastructure, reliable public services, modern agricultural facilities, educational opportunities and employment.

Kahloon argues that the government should develop a focused economic programme for border districts and explore employment opportunities for local youth, including recruitment in central security agencies where they meet the required standards.

These issues require sustained engagement between the state and the Union government. Political disagreements cannot substitute for practical measures to improve livelihoods in border villages.

A comprehensive border development policy could bring together roads, healthcare, education, agricultural modernisation, industry and carefully regulated economic activity, while respecting national security requirements.

The AAP Government and the Question of Accountability

The 2022 Punjab Assembly election marked a major political shift. The Aam Aadmi Party won 92 of the state’s 117 Assembly seats, securing a decisive mandate under the leadership of Bhagwant Mann.

The result reflected widespread public dissatisfaction with previous governments and an expectation that a new political alternative would address corruption, unemployment, drugs and governance.

Kahloon argues that the AAP government has failed to fulfil those expectations. He alleges that leaders based in Delhi have exercised excessive influence over Punjab’s political and administrative decisions, weakening the state’s autonomy.

He further claims that Punjab’s financial position, law-and-order situation and public institutions have deteriorated under the present administration. These are political assessments that must be examined against government records, budget figures, crime data and other independently verifiable evidence.

The broader question of accountability remains important regardless of political affiliation.

Punjab’s electorate has repeatedly placed its trust in different parties, hoping for improvements in employment, public safety, healthcare, education and economic opportunity. Every government must be judged by its performance in these areas, the transparency of its decisions and its willingness to answer legitimate public questions.

The state also needs institutions that function independently, transparent public procurement, effective policing and timely investigations into allegations of corruption or political interference.

No government can restore public confidence through slogans alone. It must demonstrate results that people can see in their daily lives.

A Fragmented Opposition and the 2027 Challenge

With the 2027 Assembly elections approaching, Kahloon sees Punjab entering another period of political uncertainty.

The Shiromani Akali Dal has faced internal divisions and leadership challenges. The Congress continues to confront questions about unity and its political direction in the state. The BJP is attempting to expand its presence in Punjab, while the AAP government faces scrutiny over its record.

For Kahloon, the fragmentation of political forces raises a larger concern: whether any party or leader has a credible and comprehensive plan for Punjab’s revival.

He questions the direction of Akali politics following the death of former chief minister Parkash Singh Badal and criticises the wider political leadership for allowing personal rivalries and factionalism to overshadow public concerns.

The challenge is not merely to win an election. It is to establish a credible economic and administrative roadmap that can survive beyond one government’s term.

Punjab needs a long-term strategy for industrialisation, agricultural diversification, education, healthcare, fiscal management, drug prevention and rehabilitation, and the dismantling of criminal networks. Such a strategy must be supported by measurable targets, transparent spending and public reporting on progress.

It must also recognise that Punjab’s economic future depends on both public policy and private enterprise. Farmers, workers, small businesses, industrialists, researchers and young entrepreneurs all have a role in rebuilding the state.

Who Will Take Responsibility for Punjab?

The question posed by Kahloon is not simply about finding one charismatic political leader. It is about whether Punjab can produce a generation of public representatives capable of putting the state’s long-term interests above party loyalties and personal ambitions.

The state’s problems are serious, but they are not beyond repair. Punjab retains agricultural strength, a global diaspora, an entrepreneurial population, educational institutions and a rich tradition of community service.

What it needs is a coherent development vision backed by political will.

That means creating jobs rather than merely announcing schemes, encouraging investment rather than allowing policy uncertainty to persist, strengthening public institutions rather than politicising them, and treating the drug crisis as a public safety and social challenge requiring effective enforcement, prevention and rehabilitation.

It also means demanding accountability from every government, irrespective of party, and insisting that Punjab’s interests be represented firmly and constructively in its dealings with the Centre.

Kahloon closes his argument with lines by poet Kaifi Azmi that capture his demand for political responsibility:

“Koi to sood chukaye, koi to zimma le,
Us inquilab ka jo aaj tak udhar sa hai.”

Someone, he suggests, must accept responsibility for the promises that remain unfulfilled.

Ultimately, Punjab does not need a saviour in the form of another unaccountable strongman. It needs courageous, competent and honest leadership, supported by strong institutions and a population determined to demand results.

The real question is whether Punjab’s political class is prepared to rise to that responsibility before another generation of young people concludes that its future lies elsewhere.

October 16, 2026